hey do the readings and answer the questionsplease use the same writer as order 51772 who has a background in anthropology
Untitled P a g e | 1 Houston, C. and Senay, B. 2016. Creating Ethical Subjects? The Role of the Turkish State in Integrating Muslims in Australia. In Muslim Integration: Pluralism and Multiculturalism in New Zealand and Australia. M. Voyce & E. Kolig (eds.) Lexington Books. Creating Ethical Subjects? The Role of the Turkish State in Integrating Muslims in Australia Christopher Houston and Banu Şenay The murder of the Charlie Hebdu cartoonists by Islamist Muslims in January last year was a significant event, both for its massive media coverage, and for the intense explosion of urban affect in Paris in the days after. It was significant, too, for the urgency of a range of debates the killings set off in the media concerning freedom of speech, racism, Muslim radicalization, multiculturalism and democracy, although if the truth be told these topics have been well rehearsed in the public sphere over the last few years. For anthropologists in particular, adherents of the discipline that in the modern university has most given itself over to the enterprise of precisely describing the experiences of others in particular fields of action, the events in Paris (and other like them) raised questions about what their response should be to the assertions of politicians and their agents of security concerning the public danger of radicalized Muslims. After all, anthropology has been characterized by the task of translation, which can be described in relation to religion (for example) as the attempt to ‘translate a type of religious experience remote from my own into such terms of my consciousness as may best enable the nature of that which is so translated to appear for what it is in itself’.1 How should anthropologists (and other scholars) translate the perceptions of either the Charlie Hebdo cartoonists, who drew a picture of a kneeling and naked Muhammad with a star in his rectum, or of the Muslim terrorists that assassinated them? Less dramatically, interpretation of the violent attack also segued into a recent interest in ethics and morality in anthropology and other disciplines.2 Fassin calls this an ‘ethical turn’, characterized by its 1 J Macquarie, Twentieth Century Religious Thought: The Frontiers of Philosophy and Theology 1900-1980, Charles Scribner & Sons, London, 1988, p. 212. 2 See, for example, J Zigon, ‘Moral Breakdown and the Ethical Demand: A Theoretical Framework for an Anthropology of Moralities’, Anthropological Theory, vol. 7, no. 2, 2007, pp. 131–150; J Faubion, ‘From the Ethical to the Themitical (and Back Again): Groundwork for an Anthropology of Ethics’, in M Lambek (ed.), P a g e | 2 critique of sociological models that are accused of conflating the social with the moral, in which morality as a system of shared values, sentiments and procedures of judgment is presented as congruent with society (or with its discursive and disciplinary domains).3 By contrast, Laidlaw argues that a renewed focus on ethics should begin by describing ethnographically the possibility of human freedom. Laidlaw critiques the foundational arguments of Durkheim to prosecute his argument.4 But the work of Bourdieu in Muslim Algeria is a more relevant social theory that presents the practical matter of living in a society with others as a simultaneous inculcation of schemes of perception and appreciation as well as of characteristic dispositions of affect and feeling that ground moral judgements.5 In short, should social and legal studies assume human behavior and morality to be definitively conditioned by social structures and inculcated modes of perception? Or, in relation to the web of socio-cultural relations and asymmetrical political economies in which people are placed, should it posit their relative ethical autonomy? For those working with Muslim minorities in the West or in Muslim-majority countries themselves these debates have become especially urgent, given the widely-asserted proposition that Muslim societies or institutions do not allow their members any autonomy vis-à-vis Islamic history, social regulations, practices or imaginaries, particularly in relation to religious law or to Islamic scriptures. Interestingly, this presumption seems to be shared both by those who make reductive and sometimes Islamophobic claims about Muslims’ lack of a religious and moral sense (and hence about Islam’s incompatibility with freedom), and by those who invoke Islam as justification for authoritarianism and violence. Arguing against such assertions, a number of scholars have set themselves the task of providing more nuanced accounts of ethical self-fashioning by Muslims, exploring the positioning of ethics in everyday life alongside the exercise of actors’ critical reflexivity Ordinary Ethics: Anthropology, Language, and Action, Fordham University Press, New York, 2010, pp. 84–101; M Lambek, ‘Introduction’, in M Lambek (ed.), Ordinary Ethics: Anthropology, Language, and Action, Fordham University Press, New York, 2010, pp. 1–38. 3 D Fassin, ‘The Ethical Turn in Anthropology: Promises and Uncertainties’, Hau, Journal of Ethnographic Theory, vol. 4, no. 1, 2014, pp. 429–435. 4 J Laidlaw, ‘For an Anthropology of Ethics and Freedom’, Journal of Royal Anthropology Institute, vol. 8, no. 2, 2002, p. 315. 5 As Bourdieu writes in Masculine Domination, ‘early upbringing tends to inculcate ways of bearing the body … This apprenticeship is all the more effective because it remains essentially tacit … male and female identities are laid down in the form of permanent stances, gaits and postures which are the realization, or rather the naturalization of an ethic’. P Bourdieu, Masculine Domination, Stanford University Press, Redwood City, 2001, p. 27. For Bourdieu, dispositional capacities enable appropriate moral actions and the ‘unquestioned moral reproduction of a single primary moral-value’, both of which correspond with the objective social structures that produce them. Zigon, op.cit., p. 255. P a g e | 3 – their ability and effort to decide between possible actions. To give just one example, in her study of the revival of the ney (the Sufi flute) in Istanbul, Şenay traces how learners’ ethical dispositions or capacities are modified through their engaging in a musical practice rather than by their following of general societal rules.6 This paper situates itself within these debates concerning relations between Muslims’ ethical self- fashioning and broader social institutions, taking as a case-study the activities of an apparently unlikely force dedicated to the ethical formation and integration of Muslims in Australian society, the consular institutions of the Turkish Republic. The Turkish State sponsors and controls Turkish mosques in Australia, with their imams being paid bureaucrats of the Ministry of Religious Affairs. The Consulate also employs a Religious Attaché, whose role is to educate and monitor Turkish Australians in their religious duties and commitments. The transnational management of the Turkish mosques and religious clerics in the diaspora by the Turkish state is an exception when compared to their more autonomous development by other Muslim immigrant communities in Australia. This paper investigates ways that the Turkish Republic seeks to configure its ‘Muslim civil society’ abroad in the Australian context, seeking to inculcate in believers (as it does in Turkey) a distinctive ‘Turkish’ way of being Muslim that conforms to Turkish nationalism and laicism. But what arguments are made for asserting that the integration of Muslims in particular into Australian society is problematic, as are their ethics? After all, acts of criminal violence, whether by Muslims or anyone else, can be policed without embarking upon some thoroughgoing policy of securitization or population management. The anxiety surely derives from the association of Islam with enmity to the West made by many academics and journalists, articulated in turn to generalized claims concerning Islam’s democratic deficit, which implicates the morality of Muslims, too, as deficient. Clearly, any strategy designed to integrate Muslims into Western societies depends upon the analytic model chosen to explain the origins and emergence of extremist Islam. Accordingly, before analysing the work of the Turkish state in Australia, the first half of this paper critically 6 B Şenay, ‘Masterful Words: Musicianship and Ethics in Learning the Ney’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, vol. 21, no. 3, 2015, pp. 524–541. Mahmood (2005) and Hirschkind (2006) describe similar ethical modifications amongst those committed to ‘piety movements’ in Egypt. S Mahmood, Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2005; C Hirschkind, The Ethical Soundscape: Cassette Sermons and Islamic Counterpublics, Columbia University Press, New York, 2006. P a g e | 4 assesses constructions in recent literature of the root causes of Islamism. It identifies two dominant perspectives. The first analyses radical Islam as