What do the structural reforms to the office of Lord Chancellor and the establishment of a Supreme Court for the United Kingdom tell us about the relative strengths of law and convention in upholding constitutional principles?
71
See also A. W. Bradley, ‘Relations between Executive, Judiciary and Parliament: an Evolving Saga?’ [2008] PL 470, 487–8; House of Lords Select Committee on the Constitution, Relations between the Executive, the Judiciary and Parliament (HL 151), July 2007, p. 68 (Evidence of Professor Kate Malleson).
72
Government of Wales Act 2006, Part 2.
73
Government of Wales Act 2006, Parts 3 and 4. For commentary, see A. Trench, ‘The Government of Wales Act 2006: the Next Steps on Devolution for Wales’ [2006] PL 687; A. Sherlock, ‘A New Devolution Settlement for Wales’ (2008) 14 EPL 297.
Q24;
‘[S]ometimes people who are in leadership positions in big countries find it very difficult not to bully small countries . . . Sometimes Westminster politicians . . . find it difficult to let go the strings of power and believe they are still in a position of dictating terms to Scotland.’ (Alex Salmond, MSP, RTE radio interview (13 January 2012))
To what extent has devolution prevented ‘Westminster politicians’ from involving themselves in the governance of Scotland, and what are the consequences of this for the UK as a whole?